Because the Circumlocution Office went on mechanically, every day,

keeping this wonderful, all-sufficient wheel of statesmanship, How not

to do it, in motion. Because the Circumlocution Office was down upon any

ill-advised public servant who was going to do it, or who appeared to be

by any surprising accident in remote danger of doing it, with a minute,

and a memorandum, and a letter of instructions that extinguished him. It

was this spirit of national efficiency in the Circumlocution Office

that had gradually led to its having something to do with everything.

Mechanicians, natural philosophers, soldiers, sailors, petitioners,

memorialists, people with grievances, people who wanted to prevent

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grievances, people who wanted to redress grievances, jobbing people,

jobbed people, people who couldn't get rewarded for merit, and people

who couldn't get punished for demerit, were all indiscriminately tucked

up under the foolscap paper of the Circumlocution Office.

Numbers of people were lost in the Circumlocution Office. Unfortunates

with wrongs, or with projects for the general welfare (and they had

better have had wrongs at first, than have taken that bitter English

recipe for certainly getting them), who in slow lapse of time and agony

had passed safely through other public departments; who, according to

rule, had been bullied in this, over-reached by that, and evaded by

the other; got referred at last to the Circumlocution Office, and

never reappeared in the light of day. Boards sat upon them, secretaries

minuted upon them, commissioners gabbled about them, clerks registered,

entered, checked, and ticked them off, and they melted away. In short,

all the business of the country went through the Circumlocution Office,

except the business that never came out of it; and its name was Legion.

Sometimes, angry spirits attacked the Circumlocution Office. Sometimes,

parliamentary questions were asked about it, and even parliamentary

motions made or threatened about it by demagogues so low and ignorant as

to hold that the real recipe of government was, How to do it. Then would

the noble lord, or right honourable gentleman, in whose department it

was to defend the Circumlocution Office, put an orange in his pocket,

and make a regular field-day of the occasion. Then would he come down to

that house with a slap upon the table, and meet the honourable gentleman

foot to foot. Then would he be there to tell that honourable gentleman

that the Circumlocution Office not only was blameless in this matter,

but was commendable in this matter, was extollable to the skies in this

matter.

Then would he be there to tell that honourable gentleman that,

although the Circumlocution Office was invariably right and wholly

right, it never was so right as in this matter. Then would he be there

to tell that honourable gentleman that it would have been more to his

honour, more to his credit, more to his good taste, more to his good

sense, more to half the dictionary of commonplaces, if he had left the

Circumlocution Office alone, and never approached this matter. Then

would he keep one eye upon a coach or crammer from the Circumlocution

Office sitting below the bar, and smash the honourable gentleman with

the Circumlocution Office account of this matter. And although one

of two things always happened; namely, either that the Circumlocution

Office had nothing to say and said it, or that it had something to say

of which the noble lord, or right honourable gentleman, blundered one

half and forgot the other; the Circumlocution Office was always voted

immaculate by an accommodating majority.




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